Jamie Chang's blog

Jamie Chang @ Thu, 05/21/2009 - 10:40pm

Since 2006, I haven't bought almost nothing that is Made in China or another nation without strict, decently fair labor laws. Simply put, I don't buy the completely idiotic argument that trade with these countries is one day going to improve the economic and social circumstances of the working class there. While the United States, Canada and some Asian and European countries do not have perfect labor and production laws, they are at least supporting populations that have some modicum of support of the basic human rights of the common working, producing woman and man. Until this is the case for China, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Mexico, India, etc., I can't buy products made in those countries. Labor practices in places like these are often at worst slavery and at best exploitation.

And what bugs me even further is that the exploitation doesn't stop there. Not only are workers cheated of their humanity, consumers of these products are often cheated as well. Think about these designer labels I found while strolling in a popular department store in downtown San Francisco:

And of course, my favorite - "We the Free", this label says ...

Free to what?

Well, here's what I think. How much do you think Mr. Marc or Vince paid to have their sweaters Made in China? How much are they asking you, the consumer, to give them for their product? When you give Ms. Malandrino $400 for a shirt Made in China, you are giving your money for her to be wealthy. So little of that $400.00 goes to the individuals who actually made the product, so you're not paying for craftmanship. You're free to pay for designer and designer's people and reps to get rich - in a filthy way. One thing that drives me nuts is when such gross behavior is veiled under eco/labor conscious boutique labeling and/or "green" marketing (ex. organic Levi's made in Mauritius or Turkmenistan)

All of this is, of course, in addition to the massive environmental impact of such production. Humans are not the only ones who are stunted in this process.

Sure this stuff is cute and you might feel good wearing it for a few weeks. But after that, it's just a shirt Made in China. One that some old lady probably bent over sewing. That some corporate designer profited thousands selling. One that you're $300.00 short because of.

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Jamie Chang @ Thu, 05/21/2009 - 10:22pm

Since 2006, I haven't bought almost nothing that is Made in China or another nation without strict, decently fair labor laws. Simply put, I don't buy the completely idiotic argument that trade with these countries is one day going to improve the economic and social circumstances of the working class there. While the United States, Canada and some Asian and European countries do not have perfect labor and production laws, they are at least supporting populations that have some modicum of support of the basic human rights of the common working, producing woman and man. Until this is the case for China, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Mexico, India, etc., I can't buy products made in those countries. Labor practices in places like these are often at worst slavery and at best exploitation.

And what bugs me even further is that the exploitation doesn't stop there. Not only are workers cheated of their humanity, consumers of these products are often cheated as well. Think about these designer labels I found while strolling in a popular department store in downtown San Francisco:

Jamie Chang @ Thu, 10/09/2008 - 10:16am

As I was looking for information on California Proposition 2, I ran into Ballotpedia. This may already be well known, since I'm very "without it" (opposite of 'with it') when it comes to popular internet sites. But if you haven't seen it yet, it's a neat site. It's run (obviously) by the do-ers of Wikipedia. Not only does it have information on current ballot news (ex. who is funding the campaigns for or against XYZ), but it also has lengthy legal histories.

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Jamie Chang @ Mon, 09/29/2008 - 11:54am

Still no response from LAMade. I'm going to call them tomorrow like a complete pain in the ass.

On September 3rd, 2008:
Dear LA Made,
I was a HUGE fan. For the last two years, I've purchased a dozen LAMade products (mostly dresses), and told a bunch of friends about how soft and cute your clothes are. I was such a big fan most importantly because I am a real supporter of cute, well-priced clothing that is made in the UNITED STATES. I've been pretty bummed to see, though, that nearly your entire new line is made in China. What's up with that? Thanks, Jamie

and then on September 6th, 2008:
Hello,
I am resending this because I haven't gotten a response yet and would really like to hear from you.
Thanks!
Jamie

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Jamie Chang @ Wed, 09/03/2008 - 12:13pm

Here is the original article.

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Jamie Chang @ Wed, 09/03/2008 - 11:57am

Hayden-Harnett makes some of my favorite looking clothes and bags, at freakishly expensive price tags. I personally don't mind paying a lot of $ for clothes, as long as the $ is going around fairly. I wrote them an email, here's what they had to say:

My first email:

June 18th, 2008
Hello,
I'm interested in buying two jackets.
Can you please let me know where these were manufactured?
1- Gwenievere Wool Cape, Plaid
2- Anabella Hooded Wool Coat, Charcoal
Thank you, Jamie

Hayden-Harnett response:

June 18th, 2008
Hi Jamie, thank you for contacting Hayden-Harnett, our products are made in China.
Thats including our handbags and apparels! If you have anymore inquiry, please feel free to contact me
via email or by phone.
Thank you -Employee's name

My response:

Hello,
Why are your products so expensive if they are made in China?
Thank you, Jamie Chang

Hayden-Harnett response:

September 3rd, 2008
Dear Jamie, our product is made in China However; our material does not come from China. Our leather comes from different tanneries all around Europe such as Italy and also from South America as well.

If you factor in the cost of the leather along with labor, shipping and handling of the goods, it can be very expensive to produce our products. If you have any further inquiry, please feel free to contact me via email or by phone.

thank you -Employee name

My response:

September 3rd, 2008
Hello,
Hum, well that explains some of the cost, but that still does not make a lot of sense to me, particularly because the average cost of a purse is about $450. I really don't mind spending a lot of money on products, but if I do, I like to know that they were made in countries with higher labor and environmental standards than China.

Anyway, thanks for the response.

Regards, Jamie Chang

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Jamie Chang @ Wed, 09/03/2008 - 11:38am


Clark's make really lovely shoes (especially men's), but I've noticed that in the last five years, they've been manufactured less and less in England, or other countries with fair labor and environmental practices.

An email I wrote to Clark's:

August 27th, 2008
Hello,

I have been a big fan of Clarks for years now. In fact, for several years, Clarks were the only brand of shoe that I bought. I've was recently disappointed however, when I went to buy a new pair and discovered that Clarks are no longer made in England. According to the sales person at the Clarks store in Mill Valley, California, no Clark shoes are made in England. She informed me that Clarks are all made overseas, primarily in China. This greatly disappoints me. Not so much because I am concerned about the quality of Clarks, but more so because I am concerned with supporting brands that care more for profit than fair, decent wages, building infrastructure in countries used for overseas production, fair healthcare and retirement possibilities, and the impact on the environment. I do not believe in exploitation of people for industry profit. If you can send me information on what Clarks comments are on these matters, I would appreciate it.

Otherwise, I would like to make it known that I would gladly pay the extra $20 or $40 dollars for a pair of shoes, if I had the peace of mind that the hands that crafted them are treated fairly.

Thank you for reading through this, regards,
Jamie Chang

Clark's response:

August 28th, 2008
Dear Jamie,

Thank you for your recent email. Clark’s Customer Service is here to make it easy for you to do business with us. It’s as simple as that.

We understand that you need information on where our shoes are manufactured. Currently, we manufacture shoes in over 12 countries including Brazil, China, India, Italy and Vietnam. We source our products globally due to various factors including cost, availability of materials, and capacity issues within individual countries.

Because we have a diversity of sourcing options, we are not overtaxing any of our factories. We also are continually exposed to new technologies, materials and shoemaking techniques from different areas of the world which each have their own expertise.

Our shoe making processes are up to the same high standards no matter where our factories are located. Leathers, cutting dyes, lasts, and machinery are consistent in quality in all of our factory locations.

While the countries that we produce our shoes in might not have firm labor standards, we here at Clark’s do. All of our factories have to follow our strict standards including hourly wage and work conditions. If these standards are not met, we no longer do business at that location.

If you prefer, or if you have further questions, you may contact our Customer Service Center directly by calling 800-4-CLARKS.

We are grateful for your continued support of the Clark’s family of products.

Thank you,
(employee's name)
Clark’s Consumer Services

My response:

September 3rd, 2008
Hello,
Okay, great. Thanks for your email back. You mentioned that you have strict hourly wages and working standards. I would appreciate it if you elaborated on these things. How much, for example, does a Clark's worker get paid in China and Brazil? Do Clark's factories adhere to individual nation's environmental standards, or something better? Does Clark's provide health care and retirement benefits to workers overseas?

Thank you, regards,
Jamie Chang

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Jamie Chang @ Thu, 05/31/2007 - 11:33am

I've been thinking about single-payer. At school, this is the system that most of my professors really care about and would like to see implemented. I understand single-payer as a health care system where there is, literally, a single payer. In this universal health care system, the government is the payer, and they get the money to pay for the health care through taxes. The point in having just one payer is that it eliminates the wastefulness and poor care that is the result of a profit-driven health care system. There is less waste because there is more regulation, and the cost of services are drugs are curbed because the single payer can negotiate reasonable rates without competition.

I found this little clip that describes single payer, in pretty simple terms from the American Journal of Public Health January 2003, Vol 93, No.1. In blue, I wrote my own thoughts on the points, either supporting them, or wondering how the hell this would be implemented as actual policy. A lot of what I wrote is based on a series of articles by Thomas Bodenheimer, a UCSF doctor who published "High and Rising Health Care Costs" in Annals of Internal Medicine a few years back.

I really like single-payer, and I respect and support it. But I have a lot to learn and often struggle with how this would fit within the American context. I really want something like this to work, and I believe it's really important. Anyway, here goes - I hope it's interesting.

Universal, Comprehensive Coverage
Only such coverage ensures access, avoids a two-class system, and minimizes expense
How does providing care for everybody cut costs? The answer is two-fold: first is recognizing that the need for health care is an inevitability for all of us. Sooner or later, we're all going to get hurt, get sick, have babies, die. All of these things cost money. We will ALL be a burden on our health care system, where or not we're insured.
The thing is that, when people are insured, their health care services cost less. One of the major reasons for this is that health insurance means access to preventitive care. When people have access to preventitive health care services, they're less likely to have a NEED for far more expensive measures of care, like the ER. In other words, people are better able to take care of themselves before things get totally ape. Example: a few years ago, I found a lump on one of my lymph nodes. I went to my primary care physician, who said it was likely to be just a cyst. This probably cost a total of $200 or so for this 20 minute visit. If I didn't have health insurance, I wouldn't have gone for this 'preventitive' checkup. If this were something worse than a cyst, I would have likely never known until it actually hurt or started growing, at which point, the costs for treatment would likely have been thousands of dollars. For people without health insurance, the latter scenario is a lifestyle. Not only is this reality disproportionately hazardous to the poor, minority, and immigrant groups, but one that costs them, and our system, billions of dollars a year and thousands of lives. Universal health care is a NECESSITY - it is less expensive, it improves lives, and it makes health care a right, not a privilege.

No out-of-pocket payments
Co-payments and deductibles are barriers to access, administratively unwieldy, and unnecessary for cost containment
Co-payments prevent people from getting proper care. Has anybody wondered what the point of a co-payment actually is? The actual reason why co-payments exist is based on the economic theory of moral-hazard. The theory suggests that if a person has to pay, they are less likely to do something. So co-payments are implemented soley to provide a barrier to seeking health care! This is astonishing to me. The insurance company benefits not only from the co-payment itself, but how the cost of the co-payment make it less likely for a person to be able to access care.
Sometimes co-payments are low, but other times, they can be very costly and an extreme burden for the sick, the poor, and the elderly. Anybody with an HMO plan knows that co-payments change all the time. This may not effect a healthy 26 year old that goes to the doctor once a year and takes no medication. But picture a 70 year old grannie that takes seven or eight meds a day, and pays hundreds of dollars in co-payments each month and lives on a fixed income. Or a self-employed family who already pays tons of money on their own health insurance and has to pay a co-pay or deductible for care on top of that. Not only are these scenarios costly, but they also make things very confusing for people, both disincentives for adequate health care.

A single insurance plan in each region, administered by a public or quasi-public agency
A fragmentary payment system that entrusts private firms with administration ensures the waste of billions of dollars on useless paper pushing and profits. Private insurance duplicating public coverage fosters two-class care and drives up costs; such duplication should be prohibited
The purpose of having a single insurer is related to economic theory and market power. Market power is a complicated idea, but to make it simple, one can look at it as the ability to raise the price of something without losing customers. If a bar is selling beer for $4/pint and decides to raise the price of the beer to $6, it may lose customers. But if there was no competition, or the beer is JUST THAT GOOD, the bar may be able to raise the price without losing customers. In the latter scenario, the bar has market power.
The American health insurance industry is based on Blue Cross and Blue Shield, industries with relatively uncontested power that were started and controlled by hospitals and doctors. So basically, the mechanism by which hospitals and physicians were getting paid was developed by hospitals and physicians. Recipe for disaster. It is through this model that health care providers were able to gain market power, and continually increase their price without necessarily losing customers. To make matters worse, these same groups were very influential in writing the legislation for Medicare/Medicaid, so even public systems suffer from the same market power of providers.
If the payer (insurance) has the market power, economic theory suggests that the costs for services would increase much slower. If there is only one payer, as in the Medicare model (and suggested in the single-payer model), the payer has the market power, and thus curbs provider market power, eliminating their ability to demand unjustifiably high reimbursements. A single payer also has more leverage to negotiate reasonable prices from the private sector, for things like pharmaceuticals.
Regarding the public v. private insurance systems, I need to think about this one more. These days, my impression has been that public and private organizations ultimately behave in similar ways, but two important differences are in regulation and accountability. Private insurance is difficult to regulate on large scales and is clearly accountable to profits, which has really effed up our system and limited our ability to deliver the best care, as opposed to the most profit-yielding care. Ideally, a public single-payer is far more liable to public accountability and structured to seek responsible cost-management to optimize health care delivery, not profits.

Global operating budgets for hospitals, nursing homes, allowed group and staff model HMOs and other providers with separate allocation of capital funds
Billing on a per-patient basis creates unnecessary administrative complexity and expense. A budget separate from operating expenses will be allowed for capital improvements
I’m just starting to learn about global budgets. As I understand it, a global budget is basically when the budget is set in advance for a specific time frame. For example, a hospital may know in January that their global budget for a fiscal year is $10 million. It is then the hospitals responsibility to stay within this budget. A global budget only really works in a single-payer system, and it keeps the cost of health care down in two main ways: first, it reduces the time and money wasted on billing a zillion different insurance companies (this can be up to 12% of health care expenditures - administrative costs). Second, it reduces the ability for the provider to provide wasteful or exorbitant care.
This model is criticized for a number of reasons. The first reason is that it’s difficult to create an ideal and appropriate global budget for each hospital and this process can be influenced by special interests. Second, people get scared that the idea of a budget may reduce the quality of care available to them. Third, there is less room within a global budget environment for the development of new technologies. These are all totally legit criticisms, but countries that actually use the global budget system not only control costs way better than the United States, but also have way better health outcomes, including the UK and Canada.

Free Choice of Providers
Patients should be free to seek care from any licensed health care provider, without financial incentives or penalties
The motivations for this point are pretty self evident.

Public Accountability, Not Corporate Dictates
The public has an absolute right to democratically set overall health policies and priorities, but medical decisions must be made by patients and providers rather than dictated from afar. Market mechanisms principally empower employers and insurance bureaucrats pursuing narrow financial interests
I think the subtext does a good job of describing this point. This point is specifically written in to curb the fears people have that a completely government run health care system will result in a bureaucratic sterility, that health care will be dictated by rules and suits, instead of individuals, families, doctors. The fact is that this situation that we fear already exists today for too many people. That procedure you need may or may not be covered by your insurance, depending on whether the for-profit insurance company thinks it’s worth their money. This is a situation that we need to make a priority to avoid, and that is why this point is necessary to consider in the development of any single payer system. I’m not sure how this point would actually play out in daily interactions, but it is critical to take notice of its importance.

Protection of the rights of health care and insurance workers
A single-payer national health program would eliminate the jobs of hundreds of thousands of people who currently perform billing, advertising, eligibility determination, and other superfluous tasks. These workers must be guaranteed retraining and placement in meaningful jobs.
If we need to cut the cost of health care, we inevitably need to cut jobs. There is a legitimate fear that the loss of this many jobs may curb costs, but at the cost of an economic depression due to unemployment. I’m not sure how politicians intend to address this concern, although it seems to be at the tip of everyone’s tongues. I’ll look into this more and update this blog post.

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Jamie Chang @ Thu, 05/03/2007 - 12:42pm

April 17, 2007
Revolving Door for Addicts Adds to Medicaid Cost
By RICHARD PÉREZ-PEÑA

With grim humor, some doctors in New York call them “frequent fliers” — addicts who check into hospital detoxification units so often that dozens of them spend more than 100 nights a year in those wards.

Through its Medicaid program, New York spends far more than other states on drug and alcohol treatment, including more than $300 million a year paid to hospitals for more than 30,000 detox patients. One reason for the high cost is that $50 million is spent just on the 500 most expensive patients, at a cost of about $100,000 a person. These patients check in and out of detox wards, on average, more than a dozen times a year — a practice that experts say would not be tolerated in most states.

In the state’s 2004 fiscal year, one patient was admitted to such units 26 times at 17 different hospitals around New York City, spending a total of 204 nights, Medicaid records show. In fiscal year 2005, there was one patient who spent 279 nights in detox wards, at a cost of about $300,000.

New York State spends more than enough money to provide all the needed treatment, but “the dollars are being spent in the wrong settings,” said Deborah S. Bachrach, the state’s Medicaid director. In Gov. Eliot Spitzer’s campaign to overhaul Medicaid, she said, “this is very high on our agenda.”

George Epps, 59, was a heavy user of alcohol, cocaine and heroin and says he went through detox programs around New York City 20 to 25 times over several years. “I would come out of detox and rent a room, squander my money on drugs and women, be homeless again for a while, and check back into detox,” said Mr. Epps, who added that he had been clean for more than six years.

He was far from being one of the most extreme examples, but he says he understands the thinking of the repeat patient.

“I would tell myself I was just a brother who needed a rest, not somebody who had a problem,” he said. “I could mimic what they said with such grace and conviction, they would swear I was cured.”

Among state officials, doctors who treat addiction, service groups dedicated to helping the homeless and mentally ill, even the addicts themselves, there is remarkable agreement on why the treatment system in New York is overpriced and inefficient.

In other states, most addicts who go through detox programs do so on an outpatient basis, while in New York the vast majority are inpatients. Medicaid rules in New York also encourage hospitals to provide the most expensive kind of inpatient detoxification, though it is often not medically necessary, while many other states favor a less expensive form of inpatient treatment.

And in New York, when patients are discharged — typically after about five days — the needed transition to an outpatient treatment program often never occurs. That is one reason many patients do not fully recover from their addictions and return to detox wards, experts say.

The system suits the most frequent patients — most of them homeless, mentally ill, or both — who see the programs as a source of shelter and food. And the most expensive treatment, which usually involves some sedation, can reduce the discomfort of withdrawal better than other methods.

Some drug users, especially those on opiates, also set out to clean their systems so they can reduce the dose needed to get high, according to addicts and those who treat them. For a homeless addict, the cost of each dose is a major concern.

But at its core, experts say, the overuse of costly inpatient programs is connected to the lack of housing for homeless people. People are less likely to admit themselves to hospitals, and more likely to adhere to treatment programs, when they are not living on the streets. For more than a decade, the city and state have invested in such housing, including some that accept residents who are not yet drug-free, but demand for housing still far exceeds supply.

“For this small group of what are basically professional inpatient detoxification users, it’s really a whole series of linked problems, and none of the parts of the system work very well,” said Dr. Richard N. Rosenthal, an addiction specialist and chairman of psychiatry at St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital Center in Manhattan. “There’s been some progress on each element, but not enough.”

The most intensive form of treatment, “medically managed” withdrawal takes place in a hospital, usually involves some sedation, and requires a great deal of care by doctors and nurses. The next level, “medically supervised withdrawal,” can be done in a hospital, or sometimes on an outpatient basis, and requires less medical intervention and less staff.

In New York, Medicaid pays an average of more than $100 a day for outpatient medically supervised withdrawal, and close to $400 a day for the inpatient version.

But it pays more than $1,300 a day for medically managed detox — and state officials estimate that more than 40 percent of that is profit for the hospitals. Hospital executives say the margin is not that high, but they concede that the most expensive form of detoxification is a significant money-maker.

As a result, many hospitals offer that program, but not the cheaper ones. By law, hospitals cannot turn away emergency patients, and drug or alcohol withdrawal is considered an emergency. So about 80 percent of the detox patients handled by hospitals in New York are treated at the most expensive level — often because it is the only one available.

Federal officials say they do not keep state-by-state Medicaid records, but experts and state officials say it is clear that New York spends far more on drug treatment than any other state, because other states mostly provide outpatient treatment. Figures compiled by the Department of Health and Human Services support that claim, showing that New York has more hospital admissions for drug or alcohol abuse — whether paid by Medicaid or someone else — than California, Texas and Florida combined.

Of the patients in medically managed detox in New York, “about 80 percent of them are uncomplicated and could be provided with a lower service,” said Karen M. Carpenter-Palumbo, commissioner of the state’s Office of Alcohol and Substance Abuse Services.

Spitzer administration officials say the state needs to pay less for the top level of care, and possibly pay more for the others, to spur the development of those services. That fits with the governor’s plan to review what Medicaid pays for all services, with an eye to encouraging less expensive forms of care.

But those officials also know that when George E. Pataki tried twice as governor to change the detox payment system, the hospital industry, which has been losing money over all, persuaded the Legislature to protect one of its few sources of profit.

Everyone in the field agrees that drug treatment would be more effective and less expensive if a patient consistently went to the same hospital and the same set of doctors.

But in New York, a hospital has no way of checking a patient’s history at other hospitals. The state has talked for years of making that information available right away, and requiring that patients be transferred to their “home” hospitals, but to no avail.

Beyond medically managed and medically supervised detox, there is the least intensive form, called medically monitored withdrawal, which is often done in a residential treatment center, to remove addicts from the influences that contribute to their drug use. The cost per day is comparable to outpatient detox, but patients can stay for weeks.

But under rules laid down decades ago by the federal government, which pays half of New York’s Medicaid bills, Medicaid will not pay for drug treatment in a residential center, as opposed to a hospital. The state pays for a limited amount, using non-Medicaid funds.

In interviews, several current and recovering addicts who have also been homeless said they would happily accept less expensive forms of treatment, as long as they were given shelter. Sam Tsemberis, executive director of Pathways to Housing, a nonprofit group based in Manhattan, works with many such people.

“People use it instead of the shelter system,” he said. “It’s safer, you get three hots and a cot, the meals are better than a shelter, the beds are better, you get a clean change of clothes.”

When patients are discharged from hospital detox wards, the hospitals are supposed to refer them to follow-up treatment, usually through other organizations.

“The handoff doesn’t happen,” said Shari Noonan, who was the acting commissioner of the state substance abuse office last year. “There are no incentives for the hospital to make sure it happens.”

Medicaid records show that in New York State, 80 percent of patients do not have any form of outpatient treatment soon after leaving hospital detox. For almost half of them, the next drug treatment they get is another detox admission.

Ms. Carpenter-Palumbo said the state is looking into ways to correct those failings, providing incentives to hospitals to follow up, and assigning case managers to track patients. But again, such steps might require getting stable housing first.

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Jamie Chang @ Thu, 05/03/2007 - 12:40pm

April 19, 2007
Senate Bars Medicare Talks for Lower Drug Prices
By ROBERT PEAR

WASHINGTON, April 18 — A pillar of the Democrats’ program tumbled on Wednesday when the Senate blocked a proposal to let Medicare negotiate lower drug prices for millions of older Americans, a practice now forbidden by law.

Democrats could not muster the 60 votes needed to take up the measure in the face of staunch opposition from Republicans. The opponents said private insurers and their agents, known as pharmacy benefit managers, were already negotiating large discounts for Medicare beneficiaries.

Fifty-five senators, including six Republicans, supported a Democratic motion to limit debate and proceed to consideration of the bill; 42 senators voted against it. The Senate had a brief debate on the merits of the bill, which is a priority for the new Democratic majority in Congress.

Republicans framed the issue as a choice between government-run health care and a benefit managed by the private sector. The benefit is delivered and administered by private insurers under Medicare contracts.

Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas, denounced the bill as “a step down the road to a single-payer government-run health care system.”

Democrats said they were merely trying to untie the hands of the secretary of health and human services so he could negotiate on behalf of 43 million Medicare beneficiaries.

“The Department of Veterans Affairs is able to negotiate for lower-priced drugs,” said the Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, Democrat of Nevada. “H.M.O.’s can negotiate. Wal-Mart can negotiate. Why in the world shouldn’t Medicare be able to do that?”

A 2003 law prohibits Medicare from negotiating or setting drug prices or establishing a uniform list of covered drugs, or formulary.

Mr. Reid said Democrats fell short because of “the power of the insurance industry and the pharmaceutical industry,” which spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on lobbying and advertisements against the bill.

The vote also reflected ineffectual advocacy by Democrats, who were slow in responding to the vehement arguments of well-prepared Republican senators like Charles E. Grassley of Iowa.

“Private competition works,” said Mr. Grassley, a principal author of the 2003 law. “The Department of Health and Human Services has had very little experience and a dismal track record” figuring out what to pay for drugs.

Big companies that offer the Medicare drug benefit, like Caremark and Medco Health Solutions, “have more market power than Medicare” because they negotiate for tens of millions of people in private plans, as well as for Medicare recipients, Mr. Grassley said.

Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon, said he did not want the government to supplant private plans. But, Mr. Wyden said, Medicare could negotiate better bargains on selected drugs that have no therapeutic equivalents or competition.

The House passed a bill requiring the secretary of health and human services to negotiate drug prices by a vote of 255 to 170 on Jan. 12, eight days after Congress convened. The Senate bill permits but does not require negotiations.

President Bush had threatened to veto both versions. AARP, the lobby for older Americans, supported both.

The Republican senators who joined Democrats in voting to take up the bill on negotiating prices were Norm Coleman of Minnesota, Susan Collins of Maine, Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, Gordon H. Smith of Oregon, Olympia J. Snowe of Maine and Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania.

Two candidates for the Republican presidential nomination, Senators Sam Brownback of Kansas and John McCain of Arizona, were not present.

An aide to Mr. McCain said he was campaigning in South Carolina and would have voted with the Democrats. An aide to Mr. Brownback said he would have sided with most Republican senators.

In creating the benefit in 2003, Congress made a radical departure from traditional Medicare, which has uniform benefits defined by law. Medicare recipients in every state have a choice of prescription drugs plans with different benefits, premiums, co-payments and deductibles. The 2003 law prohibited the government from interfering in negotiations between drug manufacturers and companies that provide the benefit. The House and Senate bills would repeal that ban.

Employers and health plans typically obtain discounts on particular drugs in return for encouraging patients to use those medicines, rather than competing products.

The Congressional Budget Office said that the Senate bill, like the House measure, “would have a negligible effect on federal spending.”

“Without the authority to establish a formulary or other tools to reduce drug prices, we believe that the secretary would not obtain significant discounts from drug manufacturers across a broad range of drugs,” the budget office said.

Some Republicans prepared to filibuster the Senate bill, but that proved unnecessary. Their whip, Senator Trent Lott of Mississippi, said Republicans had blocked consideration of the bill because they did not want to dicker with Democrats over amendments on unrelated topics, “with no happy end in sight.”

Mr. Wyden predicted that the Senate would vote again on the issue, perhaps as an amendment to a spending bill or other measure. “The fight will go on,” he said.

Senator Amy Klobuchar, a freshman Democrat from Minnesota, said the vote showed that “the power of big pharma,” the pharmaceutical industry, “is still a presence in the halls of Congress.”

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